Kumekucha Raw notes (No 3) used for Special Reports WIBs and videos on the main channel. Uncensored, unedited

THE PARALLEL POLICE: How The Goon Network Is Coordinated From Inside The State and with orders coming from right at the top.

An expose on power, policing, and the secret Ruto plan to rule beyond a decade.

Look very carefully at the pattern of goons and abductions.

Opposition leaders attacked at rallies. Critics trailed, abducted, and silenced. Journalists targeted. Goons deployed with precision, then vanishing without arrest.

This is not chaos. It is not a breakdown of order.

It is order — of a different kind. A well-coordinated system that could not possibly function without someone very powerful inside the police force monitoring it, coordinating it, and issuing the orders.

That name has already been published in the Standard Group expose. That man is Deputy Inspector General of Police, Eliud Kipkoech Lagat.

William Ruto started putting together this set up when he was still deputy president (two independent sources confirm). It was always designed to operate in utmost secrecy. It was designed to be ruthless and the main task/mission was to neutralize those who opposed Ruto, mostly by sending them to Zayuni.

Ruto envisaged a lot of opposition to his presidency and probably saw no other option open to him. Opposition from the many enemies he had made on his way up, some of whom he had betrayed or double crossed.

The choice of Lagat came naturally. He had greatly assisted in his rapid rise to the top when he was deputy president and especially before he fell out with his boss Uhuru Kenyatta but also after the fact because he maintained great influence in government circles and especially in sections of the security sector.

The DIG position (rather than IG) was also chosen for a very important reason.

Why The DIG Position Is The Key To Everything

To understand the design, you have to understand what the law says.

The Inspector General of Police serves a single, non-renewable term of four years under the Constitution. Once that term expires, he must go home.

The Deputy Inspector General has no such limit. In theory, a DIG can serve for decades.

Add to that one critical fact: the DIG is directly in charge of all police operations.

When you put those two facts together, you will not be surprised that one name keeps appearing again and again — from the death of Albert Ojwang in police cells, the brutal nature Gen Zs were dealt with to the latest Standard Group investigation into the abduction of its associate editor.

Power in the Kenyan police today does not sit where the Constitution says it should sit.

From GSU Mechanic To The Most Powerful Officer In Uniform

Lagat's rise is one of the most remarkable stories in the history of the service.

He joined the National Police Service in 1998 as a vehicle mechanic — an automotive engineer by training — repairing vehicles at GSU headquarters in Nairobi.

In that very same year, an event changed his life forever: the bombing of the United States Embassy in downtown Nairobi, the site was adjacent to where Cooperative House stands today. The building was devastated, and the US Embassy eventually relocated to Gigiri.

After that attack, Western nations began urgently assisting Kenya to build capacity in explosives and bomb disposal. Security agencies had to quickly find candidates with the right technical background for crash training.

A modern vehicle mechanic was ideal. Modern vehicles, with automatic transmission and complex electronics, require the same blend of mechanical and electronic skills useful in bomb disposal.

That is how Lagat initially earned a fast-track ticket (before Ruto influence kicked in): first to the FBI in the United States for a crash course, then to Lyon, France for further training with Interpol, and finally to the National Defence College in Karen upon his return to Kenya.

He was then officially transferred from being a mechanic at GSU headquarters to bomb disposal. And because that expertise was almost non-existent in Kenya's security sector, he could not remain a technician for long. There was no one qualified enough to be his boss. He had to become the boss of the unit.

That was the launchpad for his rapid promotions through the DCI. The rest is history.

Today, he is Deputy Inspector General of Police. In practice, insiders describe him as the real Inspector General — the principal decision-maker in the force because he carries full political backing.

He comes from the same community as the President. Lagat is a Nandi by tribe. And this parallel structure now being run from State House places heavy emphasis on trusted home networks — for an obvious reason. What is being done is highly illegal. Secrets must be kept. And secrets are safest amongst insiders and especially "home boys" or watu wa nyumbani as we call hem in Kenya.

When Intelligence Turns Inward

What makes this development truly disturbing is the involvement of the National Intelligence Service.

The country's top intelligence organ, built to protect Kenya from genuine threats to national security — threats that affect the ordinary citizen — is now deeply embedded in tracing and tracking members of the opposition.

Think about the implication: if you oppose the Ruto government in a country that is supposed to be democratic, you are being treated as an enemy of the state. As a danger to national security.

That is the only way you can justify bringing in the intelligence service, with its highly advanced, top-secret tracking technology, into the pursuit of opposition politicians and critical journalists.

It is a tragic reversal of mandate. And it leaves lasting damage.

To destroy an institution takes a very short time. To fix it can take a very long time. Even after this regime exits, untangling this interference — the altered structures, the compromised systems, the officers drawn into political operations — will not be easy. The security sector has been rebuilt to serve one man and his regime, not the nation.

The Real Timeline: Not Ten Years, But Far Longer

Look at the architecture, and one conclusion becomes unavoidable: this is not the work of a leader planning for a standard ten-year, two-term presidency.

No one restructures the security sector this deeply for a ten-year horizon.

There is more evidence. Proposals have already surfaced to extend the presidential term to seven years. Few Kenyans grasp the full implication: if adopted, the current term would count as the first seven-year term, leaving the incumbent eligible to seek two more seven-year terms — a further 14 years on top of years already served.

Look also at the affordable housing project in that light. It does not make sense as a ten-year program. It makes perfect sense as a multi-decade political and financial base.

This is an individual already envisioning himself in power for well over a decade.

And now it also makes perfect sense why a secret parallel police force was necessary. It was mainly to neutralize any opposition or annoying obstacle to the plan to become a long serving dictator in Kenya.

That is why, for the sake of Kenya and for the good of the nation, this regime must be voted out. In August 2027 — or earlier if possible.

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