1. RAILA IS NOT A TEAM PLAYERFact: The Moi team players were very successful (Moi team players = Goldenberg) The Kibaki team players have been mildly successful (Kibaki team players = Anglo Leasing) If team playing is Goldenberg or Anglo Leasing, then we need a presidential candidate who is not a team player. The "NO!" referendum campaign led by Odinga was a manifestation of the greatest team play in Kenya history. Who is not a team player?
2. RAILA'S ADVENTURES LED TO INNOCENT DEATHS IN 1982
Fact: The 1982 coup attempt was crushed. The 1952 Mau Mau insurrection was crushed. But the two events, though they led to the loss of many innocent lives led to a great dawn. August 1, 1982 should be looked at not as a ONE DAY aberration, but as a defining moment when arms were raised against the rape of a nation. It is time we stood proud and honoured the fallen heroes of 1982. The real villain was Moi and his "team".
3. RAILA CALLS EVERY SMALL INVESTOR A DRUG DEALER
Fact: The Arturs are neither small, nor investors. The Arturs are thugs. The Arturs are con-men. The Arturs are mercenaries. It is a crime to even think of whitewashing the shame that is the Arturs. Let's identify these "small investors" by their true label.
4. RAILA IS A BRASH IMPATIENT MAN
Fact: Every real Kenyan is impatient, quick & decisive. That is why foreign companies prefer employing Kenyans in their subsidiary companies in Uganda , Tanzania , etc. We don't want a leader who sleeps even while "his wife romps at night, trading punches with journalists in the newsrooms."
5. RAILA WILL LEAD KENYA INTO A RWANDA AND A CONGO
Fact: The Mt Kenya's Mungiki ... Nyachae's Red Shukas, etc. This the kind of stuff that leads to a Rwanda or a Congo . Raila has a national following. He does not need a militia. And Kenyans are too wise to allow their country to degenerate into an anarchy. LEST WE FORGET ... Section 2A, the constitutional amendment that made Kenya a "legal" one party dictatorship was passed in 1982.
Charles Njonjo proposed it in Parliament.
Mwai Kibaki seconded the infamous motion.
Who is the real anti-democrat?
VOTE WISELY!!!!
Phil, you can be more creative than this. This has been doing the rounds for years now.
ReplyDeleteI will be writing the opposite of each "sin" later in the day if I dont get something better to do.
This thing has been read across nations to a level that it is obsolete and without any sweetness any more. It is simply FLAT.
ReplyDeleteI think what they should have said it:
- Raila should not be elected because he is taking Kenyans for a ride.
- Raila should not be elected because he is abuse his tribe. Using them for his own personal benefit.
- Raila should not be elected because he is not a democrat, power hungry and the greatest enemy yo democracy.
Anyway Phil, I only wish you were a little bit original in that. You have even made it look cheaper than it could be by making some of the title BOLD. If not to decieve or claim originality, you have brought down intelligence and thinking deeper, you can do better than that.
-Derek-
For once i side with Vikii
ReplyDeleteWhy US, UK are taking sides in Kenyan poll
ReplyDelete“Economic hit men (EHMs) are highly paid professionals who cheat countries around the globe out of trillions of dollars. Their tools include fraudulent financial reports, rigged elections, payoffs, extortion, sex, and murder. They play a game as old as empire, but one that has taken on new and terrifying dimensions during this time of globalization.”
—Confessions of an Economic Hit Man, by John Perkins
By John Mugambi and Lilian Nekesa
THE TRAGEDY of Liberia, the only country in Africa founded on the American ideal and whose capital city Monrovia is actually named after a US President — James Monroe — is a powerful cautionary tale for both the world’s only superpower and Kenyans on the eve of their 10th consecutive General Election.
No country in Africa has ever lent itself to the US agenda like Liberia did for decades in the 1930s, ’40s, ’60s, ’70s and ’80s and no country on this long suffering continent has suffered like Liberia has, with the possible exception of Somalia. During World War II Liberia served as the base of US operations in the North African theatre and supplied much of the rubber for the war effort in that region.
In the 1960s and ’70s it hosted the Central Intelligence Agency’s (CIA) biggest outpost on the continent, an operation with continental outreach. But by the end of the Cold War in the late 1980s and early ’90s, Liberia had outlived its usefulness to the US and Washington merely moved on at precisely the point at which the people of Liberia needed the Americans most — the descent into civil war and anarchy.
The Liberian civil war spilled over into Sierra Leone, precipitating a war there too and destabilizing the entire West African region as warlord Charles Taylor went for blood diamonds with a vengeance. An entire generation of young adults died in the Liberian conflict, which was actually largely concluded by feral child soldiers, many of them murderous pre-teens who nonetheless participated in one of history’s largest sustained mass rapes of a national female population.
It is already being largely forgotten that in its very final throes, when the traumatized Liberian nation was literally praying for the departure into exile of the warlord Taylor, it took one of the goriest acts of desperation to bring Liberians’ plight to the attention of international media and on to the world stage. This was the dragging of 17 corpses to the gates of the US Embassy in Monrovia by howling and weeping mobs of child soldiers and women. The dumping of the human cadavers at the US mission appeared to do the trick.
Suddenly, Washington was ready to send in the Marines. Within weeks Taylor was persuaded to leave for his Nigerian exile and three US warships escorted by helicopters appeared in Liberian harbours to an ecstatic welcome from a war-weary population. In Sierra Leone a 17,000-strong AU and UN peacekeeping force polices the aftermath of the civil war.
US policy in Africa, which in recent years has closely been reflected in UK policy, has never been enlightened or consistently benign. Again and again in Africa, as in Latin America and Southeast Asia, Washington’s policy in Africa has been driven by the most uncaring and ignorant of nuance, complexity and cultural norms and practices blundering, miscalculation and inimical intent.
Finally, it would appear to be Kenyans’ turn to suffer the tender loving care of Uncle Sam’s calamitous intervention in other nations’ internal affairs. The Bush Administration, already up to its eyebrows in the intractable Iraqi insurgency and “war on terror”, is taking sides in the Kenyan General Election campaign in a manner that has for one thing alarmed not only the Kenyan establishment but the Ugandan one too.
President Yoweri Kaguta Museveni of Uganda, the liberator of his country from a period of Liberia-like anarchy, is one of the eastern, Central and Horn of Africa’s most accurate bellwethers of the prospect of instability. And he is reliably reported to be very uneasy indeed about American and British support for one side of the Kenyan General Election campaign, a faction that has all the makings of inserting instability into both the country and the region, with far-reaching consequences.
On the ground in Kenya, there is consternation at Washington and London’s attitude and also a deep-seated and gathering fury among the most enlightened and enterprising sections of the population and the electorate. Thinking Kenyans are incredulous at the fact that the most successful Presidential administration in decades is being treated like a pariah in the chancelleries of the West. The US and UK are headlong into mad rush to appease a faction that seems hell-bent on taking the country on a path of experimental radical-change reforms that have no guarantee of success and have great potential to backfire in such a polarizing and divisive manner as to result in a conflict that would engulf the region.
What is Washington/London’s beef with the Kibaki Administration? Part of President Mwai Kibaki’s Original Sin would appear to be the China policy he has pursued in office over the past four-and-three-quarter years. Kibaki’s leaning towards China as a major development and commercial partner has gone down rather badly in London.
Certain British interests have also been angry with the Nairobi regime that finally decriminalized Mau Mau, for half-a-century a proscribed organisation, and went so far as too unveil a statue of Field Marshall Dedan Kimathi Waciuri in the capital city’s central business district right next to the Hilton Hotel. The British hanged Kimathi in February 1957, the same month they granted Ghana its Independence under Kwame Nkrumah, a man who, nine years later, London contributed directly to the overthrow of by the military and police and a resultant generation of tyranny in which Ghanians were shorn of the rule of law.
China has taken to partnering with Kenya and investing in this country with aplomb, with major engagement in gigantic infrastructural projects, including the JKIA-Gigiri road and the Lanet-Molo highway. China is also funding construction of major road bypass projects.
Also in the mix as part of the cluster of reasons that Washington and London have turned their broad backs on Kibaki is the engagement with Libya and the symbiotic relationship that has developed between President Kibaki and Libyan leader Mu’ammar Gaddafi.
Perhaps the most drastic re-think and re-direction in Kenya-UK relations was this administration’s early decision to diversify its sources of military procurement and other security-related contracts, for instance dropping the British Land Rover for the Japanese Toyota Land Cruiser.
Worst of all from the point of view of many Africa-last policymakers in both Washington and London, the Kibaki Administration has largely weaned Kenya from the abusive dependency on so-called development and international aid that has locked so many Third World nations into a vicious cycle of plunder and poverty.
According to a masterly insider analysis of the worldwide con known as globalization, entitled A Game as Old as Empire, subtitled “Global Empire: The Web of Control”, by Steve Hiatt, Third World countries pay more than US$375 billion a year in debt service, which is 20 times more than the amount of foreign aid that they receive. There has not been a more unequal relationship in human affairs across the seas since the Trans-Atlantic slave trade that was abolished 200 years ago.
Considering the fact that half the world’s population of 6 billion people lives on less than $2 a day, this is an unconscionably and unacceptably unjust system. But is it also a system in which the victims try to get out only at their own very real peril.
The story of the Kibaki Administration’s first five years has been just such an attempt - a spirited go at breaking out of the prison of the global plunder and poverty trap that is the thoroughly corrupt “foreign aid” and “international development” con. The risk the Kibaki regime has taken in breaking the cycle of plunder, poverty, manipulation and alien control has come with clear and present dangers, not the least of which is a well-funded Opposition in which the forces of reaction, tribalism and economic backwardness have been equipped to take over and to keep Kenya firmly in the sphere of Western influence.
The Kibaki Administration’s other Original Sin was the decision to break the aid dependency syndrome and finance the economy almost entirely on the basis of efficient, accountable and transparent tax collections. This move has been highly beneficial for Kenya and Kenyans, but this is precisely what our erstwhile Western masters never want to hear about, much less see happen.
The book from which the masthead quote for this analysis is drawn, John Perkins’s first-person account of his own life as an Economic Hit Man, is a story of corruption at the global level that has many an object lesson for Kenyans as they prepare themselves to make an informed choice at the 10th General Election. It is a deeply disturbing story of the most mind-boggling greed and international corruption, a worldwide web of control, corruption, and plunder.
Confessions of an Economic Hit Man is the most compelling book of its genre — insider investigative expose and whistle-blowing —since the late 1980s’ The Lords of Poverty: The Power, Prestige, and Corruption of the International Aid Business by Graham Hancock. It is essential reading for thinking Kenyans who are sworn enemies of herd mentalities and opposition for opposition’s sake.