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Tuesday, January 31, 2012

Ocampo 4: A Flawed Defense Strategy


by Mwarang'ethe
Up to now, we have refrained from commenting too much on the on going ICC case of the Ocampo six who have been reduced to four.  We have done so because, we hold this Kangaroo Court in utter contempt for it is being used to throw dust into the eyes of the long suffering African people. First, we acknowledge that, serious crimes were committed in Kenya in 2007/8. Secondly, we also, acknowledge, the need for justice for the victims.

Having conceded that, serious crimes were committed, and there is need for justice, we hold a very well considered opinion that, the best justice we can give to the victims of that senseless violence is to devote our attention to a careful reformation of the system which produce such senseless disorder in Africa. Regrettably, instead of devoting ourselves to this noble cause, we have cried for vengeance. The problem is that vengeance shall not remove the real causes of the rampant social disorder in Africa. This being the case, we risk being colonised by stealth in the name of justice.

Those who are ignorant of African history may find the above assertion far fetched. However, all one has to remember is this. In 1526, Nzinga Mbemba of Kingdom of Kongo, a.k.a. Alfonso I wrote the following plea to the King of Portugal:

We cannot reckon how great the damage is, since the merchants daily seize our subjects, sons of the land and sons of our noblemen, vassals and relatives ... and cause them to be sold; and so great, Sir, is their corruption and licentiousness that our country is being utterly depopulated.

The question is, did the Portuguese help in any way? They not only encouraged slave trade, but, ended up colonising Africa. Does any believe this time is different? If so, how and why?

Having noted the above, we would advise the Ocampo four to “pause” their frantic defence, change their defence strategy and take on Ocampo first. The problem we find with their defence is that, they have entrusted their fate to mainstream lawyers who will not challenge this body like Milosevic did until they killed him by refusing him medical attention. The truth is that, by taking his own defence, Milsoveic proved a serious challenge to the corrupt international justice system. For instance, his trial was supposed to be broadcast, but, since Milosevic was prepared, all this was dropped.

Thus, we propose, in terms of military art, they need to switch to an offensive strategy and forget their passive defense which their lawyers are pursuing. In fact, we would argue that, their defensive strategy amounts to letting  a long and unbroken line of troops move for so long which must be avoided completely if one is to win any war. As a matter of fact, their strategy amounts to fortification in the age of aerial warfare. As such, they need to abandon their fortifications and launch the greatest weapon of offensive warfare i.e. a surprise and ferocious attack.

This being the case, it is our considered view that, the best option at this moment is to mount a serious attack on the prosecutor and the ICC at large on account of partiality. As an example, they can argue that, the ICC prosecutor and the judges are in clear violation of Article 45 of the Rome Statute entitled: Solemn Undertaking which provides that:

“Before taking up their respective duties under this Statute, the judges, the Prosecutor, the Deputy Prosecutors, the Registrar and the Deputy Registrar shall each make a solemn undertaking in open court to exercise his or he respective functions impartially and conscientiously.”

The argument would be like this:

(a) We do not fear to defend ourselves for the alleged crimes.

(b) However, before we stand trial, it is just and proper that, be it ascertained whether we can receive fair trial at the ICC.

Flowing from the above then, to the extent that, the ICC prosecutor and the judges, can be shown not to have not acted in accordance with Rome Statute and especially Article 45, they disqualify themselves from taking “up their respective duties” under the Statute against the four.

We content ourselves at this stage by citing just one example that can be cited and argued forcefully to demonstrate the partiality of this Court and therefore, demonstrate it's utter incapacity to offer a fair trial. In the recent war of aggression against Libya, Ocampo moved very swiftly to indict Gaddafi on fabricated charges.

However, at the same time, in clear evidence of the Court's partiality contrary to Article 45 of the Rome Statute, it did not, and has not acted on violations of international law by the NATO forces. To cite one plain example. The UN Charter, Chapter VII Article 46, provides that:

Plans for the application of armed force shall be made by the Security Council with the assistance of the Military Staff Committee.

To the best of our recollection, there was no Military Staff committee which was involved in the Libyan war. Clearly, this being irrefutable, this is a a clear violation of the international law of war for the NATO leaders, and many of them are party to the Rome Statute have committed serious crimes under the jurisdiction of the ICC. Why would Ocampo be in a rush to indict Gaddafi on fabricated charges while ignoring clear violations of the international law? If this is not partiality, what is it?

It can be argued that, to the extent the ICC has not seen it fit to investigate such blatant violation of international laws of war, is a confirmation of breach of the Rome Statute Article 42 which provides that, the Office of the Prosecutor “shall not seek or act on instructions from any external source.” If he has not received or sought such instructions, where does his partiality emanate from? From incompetence? If it is incompetence, how can he try the Kenyan case then?

As a matter of fact, the ICC prosecutor is on record saying that, he will ask the UN Security Council member states on the way forward for the Libyan case. How can those who have violated the international laws of war with impunity be the ones to give direction to the ICC prosecutor? What kind of justice is this?

The ultimate question which the ICC judges would be forced to answer in this novel approach is this: If the ICC is receiving instructions contrary to Article 42 of the Rome Statute, how can its impartiality as demanded by Article 45 of the Rome Statute be met?

By adopting this defence strategy instead of the usual one, the Ocampo four would force the ICC either:

(a) to live up to the lofty claims and especially Article 45. Definitely, were it to do this, it would be killed by those who seek to use it as a means of colonialism.

(b) to brush brush aside a well researched attack on its partiality which would lead to loss legitimacy which it has gained by propaganda.

In other words, the Ocampo four should force the ICC to live up to its lofty claims or close shop and scatter those lawyers wasting time there to look for other means of earning their living.

Friday, January 27, 2012

With Presidential Ambitions Up in Smoke, Can Uhuru Be Effective Kingmaker?

That is the question political observers are asking themselves since Uhuru Kenyatta's resignation as finance minister yesterday.

Unlike the emotionally reckless William Ruto who has openly declared he will be on the presidential ballot paper, Uhuru has not made any such direct declarations and remains as guarded as ever on his immediate political future.

As he exited his luxurious red-carpeted Treasury House office yesterday, Uhuru released a statement which indicated that he "looks forward to meeting you all at the grassroots as I traverse the countryside to reassure you all that our mission to give hope to the youth of this country, our vision of seeing a peaceful Kenya and our firm resolve to transform Kenya into a modern first class economy is still on course".

While Ruto has yet to appreciate the gravity of the charges facing him at the ICC, Uhuru appears to have an understanding of how high the stakes have been raised. Power politics is not an easy game to play when one has been indicted by the International Criminal Court. And for anyone to imagine that they can be state president and deputy state president in Kenya while they attend court sessions at the Hague is taking ambition and hope beyond utopian dreams.

Many legal minds, including CIC Chairman Charles Nyachae, have argued that there is nothing legally to bar Uhuru or Ruto to run for president. Even ICC Prosecutor Ocampo has asserted that the issue of elections in Kenya is something for the Kenyans to decide. But here at Kumekucha, being the sober political analysts that we are, we believe the presidential dreams of Uhuru and Ruto have hit a brick wall. Let us examine the reality:

If an Uhuru who is already indicted by ICC cannot serve as as a mere Finance Minister of a grand coalition government - despite presidential back-up to do so - and in a constitution that is in transition, how in God's name will Uhuru be president in our constitution when it is fully functional? How will Uhuru run to be president when he is charged at the ICC with the worst criminal cases that anyone can face in this world?

Granted that the KANU Chairman has his core support among the counties populated by the Agikuyu in the former Central and Rift Valley provinces. Uhuru has also steadily gained popularity ratings on some of our dubious opinion polls and was last reported as closing in on Raila Odinga. But the fact still remains that in the new constitutional dispensation, anyone who wishes to be president must come with a lot more than his ethnic support. The bar has been raised and sadly, both Uhuru and Ruto fail in most of the basic requirements the constitution demands for presidential contenders. The Hague baggage does not help matters.

In a country that is constantly baby-sat by western powers and one that the stability of the entire horn of Africa hinges on, how will someone who is on the same list as Ugandan sadistic warlord Joseph Kony be in the running to form a government in the republic of Kenya? Someone must be sleep walking to imagine this!

Uhuru and Ruto have only one way to go. They can only support a preferred presidential candidate, and sponsor as much parliamentary and senatorial candidates as they possibly can in 2012. Those candidate must be people they can control like puppets. And that president must be someone they can dictate to. That person is not Kalonzo Musyoka and neither is it George Saitoti. It could be either Raphael Tuju or Eugene Wamalwa, perhaps a pairing of both as candidate and running mate. The possibility of forming the next official opposition could never have been clearer.

Let us see how today's rally at Eldoret's 64 stadium turns out!