Evidence Of Presidential Vote Fiddling That Cannot Be Ignored

In this article, we will attempt to piece together circumstantial evidence, official documents released by NASA, and various news reports to uncover how the 2017 Kenyan elections were manipulated. Using information from my sources on the ground, we’ll reconstruct the events and examine how the tampering occurred.

Before diving in, I advise Jubilee supporters to skip this video and find something else that resonates with them. In Kenya, we have reached a point where anything negative about your preferred candidate is dismissed as fake news or propaganda, while favorable stories—no matter how implausible—are treated as fact. To avoid ruining anyone’s day, Jubilee supporters may want to move on.

For NASA supporters, let’s keep emotions aside and approach this issue analytically. We’re here to use our intellect, not our emotions, to dissect what transpired on August 8, 2017.

The Timeline of Events

Publicly available information indicates that the IEBC servers were accessed around noon on August 8, while voting was still ongoing. This timing suggests the process of manipulating results began while votes were being cast. Alarmingly, the server was accessed using the credentials of the late Chris Msando—a chilling connection given his brutal murder just days prior. Msando’s death, marked by signs of torture, was undoubtedly tied to the elections, as his credentials were later used to log into the IEBC system.

This revelation opens up a significant lead in understanding Msando’s murder. Historically, political assassinations in Kenya rarely involve torture—JM Kariuki’s in 1975 being an exception. In this case, Msando’s death and its link to the server breach indicate a deliberate effort to cover tracks and suppress critical information.

Further muddying the waters was a bizarre report from Ugandan authorities claiming to have arrested suspects linked to Msando’s murder. The story was later retracted, citing a “misunderstanding.” Such inconsistencies only deepen the mystery surrounding the case.

Evidence of Tampered Results

The IEBC server displayed results with a suspiciously consistent pattern. The percentage difference between the two leading candidates remained constant regardless of the number of votes counted—a statistical anomaly. Authentic election results typically fluctuate as votes from different regions come in. This consistency points to pre-programmed, machine-generated figures rather than actual vote counts.

Moreover, the results were presented without specifying the polling stations they originated from, preventing scrutiny. Such secrecy raises questions about the validity of the reported figures.

On the ground, the reported results often contradicted voter sentiment. For instance, in regions where a candidate was publicly booed, they inexplicably emerged as the winner. While minor surprises in elections are normal, widespread discrepancies of this nature strongly suggest manipulation.

Impact on Down-Ballot Elections

Manipulating presidential results inevitably affects other races, such as those for Members of Parliament, governors, and senators. Rigging must be systematic to avoid anomalies where, for example, a presidential candidate receives significantly more votes than other candidates in the same constituency. Such inconsistencies would be glaring and raise alarms. Consequently, votes are redistributed down the ballot, impacting the results of all races.

A case in Meru exemplifies this: the gubernatorial candidate Kiraitu Murungi won unexpectedly, leading the incumbent to claim foul play. Local sentiments also suggest the results didn’t align with the on-ground reality.

Pre-Stuffed Ballot Boxes

Beyond electronic tampering, there were reports of ballot boxes arriving pre-filled with votes. In Lamu, for instance, NASA agents reported early in the day that boxes already contained votes favoring a specific candidate. This practice echoes past tactics used during the Moi era in the 1990s, where pre-filled ballots ensured a baseline number of votes for preferred candidates.

A Historical Parallel

In the 1992 elections, then-President Moi employed a strategy to secure votes in opposition strongholds. For instance, in a largely anti-Moi constituency like Dor, he managed to secure 6,000 votes. While not enough to win the area, these small additions across multiple regions collectively contributed to his victory. A similar approach seems to have been employed in 2017, where the incumbent secured notable votes in key opposition areas.