Gideon Moi's hasira hasara

Gideon "I will not pay my bills because I am Gideon Moi" Moi.

Most Kenyans still underestimate the considerable pressure President Moi was under in his last months in office. Apart from some of his supporters urging him to hang on to power the president had to think very carefully about a viable exit strategy. Moi had become an extremely wealthy man in his 24 years at the helm of the country. Now he had to quickly secure his ill gotten wealth as he prepared to leave office.

The Kroll report details a fascinating trip that took place towards the end of former president Moi's last term as president where he visited several banks in Luxembourg with his most favoured son, Gideon, in an unmarked ordinary car and without any security or escort. Only one State house aide (who was chief of protocol at the time) accompanied them. And even he was left in waiting rooms as father and son had meetings with their bankers behind closed doors. It was clear that the purpose of this trip was to introduce the younger Moi to his bankers.

It is believed that during this trip administration of the vast Moi fortunes was transferred to Gideon. Investigators are still trying to prove that the monies were transferred around the world in a further effort to make it as difficult as possible for it to be traced back to the Mois.

But former president Moi’s efforts to secure his ill-gotten billions did not end there, they continued in earnest even after he had left office.

It seems that sometimes in November 2003 there was a meeting at the ex-president’s Kabarak home which was attended by his sons Philip and Gideon, as well as long serving aide Joshua Kulei. Also in attendance was trusted family lawyer, Dr Kiplagat. The main agenda of the meeting was to explore how best to protect the vast family wealth, both locally and broad from any possible political interference.

By this time some of Moi’s worst fears had already unfolded and there were already threats to have the former president write a statement to assist in corruption investigations which was very strongly resisted by MPs from Rift Valley. One of the individuals who very surprisingly strongly defended the former president and urged his colleagues to leave him alone was one Raila Amollo Odinga.

To many political observers this was puzzling but there is a very simple explanation. In his long years in politics Moi had learnt that a politician’s most valuable asset is calling in favours and Mi had accumulated plenty in his 24 years as president. Earlier in this book I have written in great detail about the bloody failed coup of 1982. One of the prominent people arrested was Raila Odinga and there was plenty of evidence to link him to the coup. Being so deeply involved in a coup is a capital offense which has no other punishment other than death by hanging. The late Jaramogi Oginga Odinga appealed to Moi and Moi spared Raila’s life. And so as other coup plotters like Pancreas Ochuka headed straight to the gallows, Raila cooled off his heels in detention once again. Sparing Raila’s life was a huge favour and evidence suggests that Moi called in this favour at his hour of need hence Raila’s unexpected reaction as a section of parliament closed in on the retired President.

Still, the meeting in Kabarak in November 2003 was not without plenty of drama. The family lawyer started off by advising the Moi's to keep as much of their wealth and assets as they possibly could overseas. The lawyer pointed out that legally no court order or ruling had been issued declaring the Moi wealth as having been acquired through corrupt or illegal means, which would be required by the government in order to freeze assets and bank accounts abroad. The Mois were also advised to use trusts that were experienced in hiding controversial assets on behalf of high profile clients.

But during that meeting, it emerged that Joshua Kulei's own estimates of the amount he held in trust for the Moi family and which he was now required to surrender and estimates of the same by Moi's sons did not tally. The tension got so high that death threats are believed to have been issued against Kulei.

Matters got worse at a meeting later held at Philip's house to try and resolve the misunderstanding over the issue and Kulei made the unfortunate decision to go outside the Moi family to seek for help. It is highly likely that this is the move that caused details of the meeting to leak to those who were not involved. Kulei consulted Mr Tum of the Kenya Seed Company to talk to the former president on his behalf. He told Tum that the crux of the problem was that the president's sons had failed to make any distinction between his (Kulei's) private wealth and that which he held for the former president in trust.

Now it is unlikely that such a matter will ever end up in court, but even if it was, it is clear that Kulei who was a poverty stricken prisons warder by the time he was appointed to handle the Moi wealth did not have any personal wealth of his own apart from what he was looking after on behalf of his benefactor. Any monies he would have earned for himself during that time would have either involved the use of the same funds he was supposed to look after or at least by virtue of his position. This means that the Moi's sons had a point and all the money belonged to the Moi's since he was paid to do the job. But Kulei obviously saw things differently. The man’s background is of great help in trying to understand his thinking in such a clear-cut matter.

Read the second and final part of this saga

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World Cup starts with a game that raises some controversial issues

If you are one of the those people who is totally disgusted with the way the 2010 World cup has seemingly taken over everything then you will not be pleased that Kumekucha will be covering the 2010 World cup. But please don’t be too worried because our usual political reporting as well as other articles will continue and we will only be making occasional analysis on major issues that come up during the tournament… starting with the opening game earlier today.

World cup opener, South Africa versus Mexico

You will already be aware of the fact that the opening game of the 2010 World cup ended in a 1-1 draw. For me the match raised quite a number of interesting issues.

To start with many analysts are convinced that the linesman was influenced by the intimidating shouting home crowd in making his call for offside when Carlos Vela scored for Mexico late in the first half. The issue of match officials being intimidated is going to be a very major thing in this tournament. Not only when South Africa are playing but when other African countries in the tournament are playing as well. Rugby enthusiasts will remember how the South African crowds intimidated Rugby referees during the 2005 Rugby World cup also held in that country. It may be the extra push that African countries need to go far in this World cup, but is it fare?

Interestingly FIFA have refused to embrace technology to the extent that Rugby has where instant replays help officials make crucial decisions where what has happened is less than obvious. I strongly believe that if the referee had looked at the replay he would have allowed Mexico’s goal in the first half and that would have changed the whole destiny of the game.

The second thing that came out was the ability of an experienced coach to outthink their counterpart and turn the course of a game in an instant. In the first half South Africa were very lucky not to have gone for the breather not having conceded at least 3 goals. But in the second half the same team was unlucky not to have scored at the very least three goals. A change in tactics at half time did the trick. South African coach 67 year old Carlos Alberto Parreira is very experienced, probably one of the most experienced and gifted coaches the game has ever produced. Read more about the long eventful career of Carlos Alberto Parreira.

Parreira is one of only two coaches that has led four national teams to the World Cup: Kuwait (1982), United Arab Emirates (1990) Brazil (1994 and 2006) and Saudi Arabia (1998). He was also involved to some extent with the legendary 1970 championship team for Brazil, which he said inspired him to aspire to be a national football coach. Parreira has today equaled this record with the opening game handling the South African national side in this World cup.

If there is anybody who can bring the best out of a side that is not particularly good then it is Parreira.

The mysterious funding of the NO camp

Think about this carefully and try to remember the manner in which those in Ruto’s camp have joined him. Remember Samuel Phogiso who remained silent for a long time even when he was associated with the YES camp? And then suddenly he announced his position which appears to be different from that of the party he chairs—ODM Kenya. Assuming that you have made some sense out of Kalonzo Musyoka’s Yes-NO-NO-Yes-stand on the draft constitution.

For those who understand Kenyan politics this appears to be a clear sign that people are joining the No brigade only after prolonged negotiations. But negotiations for what? Has anybody negotiated with you before you took your particular stand on the draft constitution? Unless of course you were waiting for a bribe to tilt your opinion.

For those with their ears to the ground politically, it is no secret that those who are opposing the draft constitution have been recruiting and are still recruiting on a massive scale. So if you are looking to make some big cash quickly you know what to do. Assuming that you have some significant influence, they will certainly not entertain a nobody in that camp.

But before you run off, I urge you to consider a few facts. The cash that you will receive will mainly be enjoyed by yourself and even if you leave a little for your children, it is unlikely that the cash will reach your grand children. What kind of life would you like for your grand children. For future generations that will be called by your name? What legacy do you want to leave them? Ill gotten stinking wealth from corruption? Bear in mind that whatever happens the day is coming when all those families who made their wealth from corruption will be publicly listed and shamed. It is of course your right to want this kind of legacy for your children and grand children.

But the rest of us Kenyans trying to think ahead, there is the nagging question of where the NO camp is getting its’ funding. We have a pretty good idea of where the YES chaps are getting funded from. Government coffers, all kinds of human rights NGOS and doners and the campaign funds of certain high profile individuals whose political game plan is to win the referendum and use the inertia generated from their involvement to push themselves into State house.

But where are akina Ruto getting their cash from? You will have seen the launch of their grand secretariat recently in the press. These things don’t cost two shillings. It is not the kind of thing you would pass a hat around for a quick fundraiser.

In earlier posts I have revealed that organized crime (if I can call them that) are giving the No camp a blank cheque to get results and derail this new “nuisance” constitution at all costs. The really fascinating thing here is that there is a very thin line between retired President Moi’s fortune and the fortunes being generated from wrecking the lives of young Kenyans with hard drugs. But that is Kenya for you.

Of course the church half of the NO camp is getting its funding from church funds and the numerous donors aboard who want to delay the new world order as predicted in the Bible many centuries ago. Passing the new constitution will put Kenya at the forefront of massive changes that sweep the world rapidly leading to the emergence of the anti-Christ and the end of the world as we know it. Just thought I would let you know what the conviction of the church is in fighting this new constitution. The real issue is not the abortion clause or the Kadhi courts one or the latter is going to play a key role in ushering in the new World order with Islam taking over Europe in terms of influence and sheer volume of voters.

My personal views are that the church is wrong this time because what has been prophesized in the good book is unstoppable and the best we can do is help ordinary Kenyans have a chance to make good that does not depend on coming from a famous family (which made its’ wealth from corruption anyway and should therefore be an infamous family).

But I digress, the bottom line is that the NO brigade have been closing in on the huge gap the YES camp had given them in the lead. When I did my survey countrywide about a month ago my findings showed that 75% of registered voters were going to vote YES to the new constitution. Now we are told that the figure is 59% and reducing rapidly. The referendum is about two months away and two months is a pretty long time in politics. It translates to several decades.

And so by the time we start entering enclosures to cast our votes, the situation may be very different indeed. In other words the YES camp is in a crisis even if they don’t see it yet.

P.S. There is so much hopelessness in Kenya that everybody “knows” that you cannot make it until you leave the country to raise your fortune abroad and then come back properly armed to face the problems at home. That came out very clearly during the question and answer session visiting American VP Joe Biden had in Nairobi yesterday. Leaders of variouis NGOS and political wannabe organization did not bother to field intelligent questions and instead embarked on a major begging mission asking for all sorts of favours from America from a Joe Biden airlift to all kinds of petty favours to help them help themselves. I am so ashamed of being Kenyan at this very moment just remembering how guys were falling over themselves to beg for all kinds of hand outs from Uncle Sam’s representative. That's the hopelessness that is in kenya for you.

I am delighted at the rapid spread of my book Dark secrets of the Kenyan presidency. You can get a FREE mini version of the book if you rush and EMAIL ME NOW. Or if you are using a shared computer and the link doesn't work send an email now to:- kumekuchaspecialoffer@gmail.com.
Please don’t re-send if you have already received a mini version of the book, Dark secrets of the Kenyan presidency.

Rigging being planned for referendum

For those who don’t know the intricacies of how rigging is usually done, I think it would be right to start with a brief appreciation of certain key points.

- Vote rigging works best when the results are close. That is one of the reasons why Mwai Kibaki’s rigging in December 2007 ended up being so disastrous. The truth is that Raila Odinga had a massive lead. In sharp contrast Moi never got caught because the results were always much closer. He did a good job of dividing the opposition at all costs.
Prof George Saitoti has perfected the art of rigging in his constituency.

- It is impossible to carry out a rigging exercise without the help of the intelligence service. Why? Because you need very precise and up to date figures to execute a vote rigging operation efficiently. The way it works is that as people are voting you are feverishly collecting figures. In the old days the votes used to be stuffed as the ballot boxes are being transported to one central place in the constituency for counting. These days it is much more expensive because the votes have to be stuffed in each individual polling station. The Kibaki guys went round that by simply ensuring that the vote count that arrives at the ECK was different from what was on the ground. Clean ups were then organized later in the individual constituencies. It is a massive and extremely expensive exercise these days.

- This national model for the country is often executed at a single constituency where the powerful MP uses his own people. One George Saitoti has perfected this system in his constituency.

Folks I am afraid that I have more bad news for you concerning the new constitution most of us are yearning for. Let me start by confessing that for a person with my years of experience I was rather naïve to believe that those who own Kenya would ever allow for an electoral system that they did not have any control over. The truth is that the so caled "tamper-proof" electoral roll has already been tampered with and non-existent voters introduced. And since it is NOT the same electoral roll that we will go to the general elections with, the only conclusion is that the intention is to rig the August 4th Referendum.

The game plan by the powerful owners of Kenya is for the NO camp to catch up with the YES majority so that the difference is around 20% or less. What will then happen is that NO will win with a very slim majority. Enough to deny most Kenyans what they are yearning for so much that they can no longer sleep too well. Those who have read the document and realize the sweeping changes it will bring into the country and the deadly blow it will deal to impunity.

What really scares me is that so far these powerful forces have been able to get things done through the NSIS and have even influenced the judiciary to make certain bizarre rulings. To me that is evidence enough that they are quite capable of going ahead with their well laid plan even as the president tires himself criss-crossing the country campaigning for a new constitution.

There is ONLY one way to stop them. And that is to ensure a landslide victory for YES. Anything less will be dicey.

Bitter enemies of the new constitution: Can Kenyans stop them?

It seems that former powerful AG Charles Njonjo needed a favour from Gideon Moi in this instance. There are hardly any photos around of Gideon's brother and forgotten Moi son, Philip. When you know what he gets up to, you won't be suprised.

There was a time when I was pretty naïve and it cost me dearly. In fact I am still paying to this day (that is a very sad story for another day).

The personal tragedy that resulted from my naïve ways has made me very sensitive these days. I know how things run and who runs them. As you keep hearing on Kumekucha Kenya iko na wenyewe.

In this post I want to focus on some of these powerful dark forces who control everything from the shadows. Naturally these guys are not happy about the draft constitution. For starters it will bring too many naïve but powerful people to positions where they can hurt some of their illegal businesses. Take the business in drugs. I hope you are not naïve enough to believe those press reports about how the police are doing a great in the fight against drugs. The truth is that Kenya in recent years has become a major drug trafficking hub on the continent. It arrives in tons on containers disguised as all kinds of stuff and it gets into the country easily and effortlessly.

The image that most Kenyans have of drug traffickers as some dirty desperate Nigerians who somehow got into Kenya and are making billions from the illegal trade. Hahahahahahahahaha. That’s really funny. Those Nigerians are mere foot soldiers. Nobody can do any drug business in a foreign country without the full cooperation of some very powerful locals.

Secondly it is NOT small people who run major drug rings. It is usually very big people. The pawns and messengers are the guys who are always getting caught and amazingly they never lead the police to the kingpin of the whole operation.

To illustrate the kind of people involved in this business let me mention the forgotten Moi son whom the famous Kroll report singled out as a major trafficker in these shores for many years.

The press hardly mention President Moi's other son, Philip Moi. Yet some of his deals would make Gideon look like an angel in comparison. According to the Kroll report, Philip's estimated wealth stands at about $770 million and he is said to control more hidden cash than even Gideon. (Other Kumekucha informants tell me that this estimate of his wealth is a mere drop in the ocean and the man is worth much more. Philip uses low key Asians and even houseboys as proxies for all his business deals and interests.

Philip rarely travels himself and chooses to use his wife Rossana Pluda instead, who is an Italian and relatively unknown in Kenya, even amongst the press. So she is able to slip in and out of the country without attracting any attention. She is also his link to many Italian underworld businesses that he works with.

According to the Kroll report, Philip Moi has dealt in Hashish, Madrax tablets and bhang grown around the Mount Kenya area with the Akasha family. But it doesn’t stop there. He has also dealt with hard drugs like cocaine, providing cover for Italian families based in Malindi on the Kenyan Coast. It is said that with his help, the drug cartel in Malindi was able to offload 20-feet containers, packed with drugs.

The Kroll report names Muzahim as Philip's business partner. Muzahim has mainly been a car dealer, drug baron and money counterfeiter. Basically Philip provided the cover and Muzahim managed the operations. They jointly made counterfeit dollars for Somalia, Zaire, Sudan and Liberia.

When Muzahim and Philip fell out, Philip paid an assassin to kill him mainly because he knew too much and had armed himself with extensive documentary proof to protect himself. Amazingly the would-be assassin approached Muzahim and confessed to him what had happened. He was promptly paid off to abandon the mission.

Now these are the kind of characters that would do anything to ensure that the draft constitution never sees the light of day because it would complicate business for them, big time. Despite denials the truth is that the No campaign team is very well funded. Now the crazy thing about all this is that the church in its’ joint NO campaign with politicians like William Ruto is getting partly funded by drug money. Digest that!!!!

P.S. Notice how angry the No team are at the recent poll results on the upcoming referendum? These guys are getting big money to do what they are doing because they are telling their financiers that it is working. That is why they are now suggesting that all opinion polls get banned until after the referendum.

People being blunt about the good and the bad in the book Dark secrets of the Kenyan presidency

The really bad news about the new constitution

Something is NOT right. Apart from the spirited No campaign, there is something wrong. There is something that is not quite right in all this new constitution thing.

I saw George “Goldenberg” Saitoti stand up yesterday and talk passionately about how the new constitution is good for Kenya and I wondered. Mwai “Anglo leasing” Kibaki to quote a local TV station “has now removed his gloves” in battling the No camp over the new constitution.

For somebody who knows the history of all these politicians fairly well and having read a substantial part of the draft constitution, there is something that just doesn’t add up. Unless human nature has suddenly changed. Or maybe the self-preservation instinct in humans has disappeared, let alone in the super-greedy politicians of Kenya.

If the draft constitution is passed, the truth is that justice will come to Kenya and many political careers will come to an abrupt end forever. The truth is that wananchi will change into wenye nchi and within a few years Kenya as you know it today will be unrecognizable.

So would a man welcome an executioner to their home and fete them knowing very well that their necks would be on the chopping block within the hour? Quite unlikely.

So what is it that the political class knows that the rest of us don’t know?

Let me try to answer that question.

Firstly it is important to note that the chain of events starting with the post-election troubles of January 2008 have removed matters from their hands. The truth is that there has been considerable international pressure. It has been clear to the world that going to the next elections without a new constitution was just plain suicide for Kenya. And many of those nations have vast vested interests in the country. The travel bans have worked miracles and put the right pressure in the right places. Have you noticed how much Wako has changed since the Visa ban? This is certainly not the same Amos “editorial changes to the constitution” Wako of 2005.

And so the political class has had little option but to support a new constitution, at least the vast majority of them. But after consultations with their lawyers and legal experts they have come up with a strategy. It is based on the fact that it will take a minimum of five to six years to fully implement the new constitution if passed. And then parliament can always employ a few delaying tactics here and there which would drag certain changes for many more years. In any event many of the most powerful politicians in Kenya do not envisage themselves still in politics in the next 10 years. And bear in mind that a lot of crucial decisions have still been left to parliament. For instance the maximum number of acres an individual can own can be kept high enough. In any case there are still countless loopholes because a large land owner can distribute his land holdings amongst his wives and sons (and believe me some of these families are huge). You see the most important thing about any constitution is the spirit of that constitution and great damage can be done by people who do not have the interests of the country at heart. There is no constitution in the world without loopholes that any smart lawyer can take full advantage of.

And so the bad news is that saying Yes on August 4th will only be the first step and the beginning of a massive battle to free Kenyans. There is still a lot to be done if we are to see the full positive effects of the new constitution. For starters we will have to vote very wisely in the next general elections and ensure that we get fresh new faces who are ready to do serious battle with old money in Kenya. People who cannot be swayed by money and people prepared to give their lives for the motherland. Tall order indeed, do such Kenyans exist?

But the good news is that if the new constitution is passed it will be the beginning of our emancipation. Already we know for sure that the train has left the station and for better or for worse it is headed in the right direction. We’ll just have to take care of the obstacles as they come. Brace yourselves for a rough ride folks but we shall surely overcome.

What people don’t like about Dark secrets of the Kenyan presidency.

This evil man called Moi

Kenyans have very short memories indeed, and they will quickly forget and forgive you—especially if you have a lot of money. And it really doesn’t matter how you earned your cash. Indeed it would seem that most Kenyans would not hesitate to sell their souls to the devil for a few miserable coins.

This is something that Daniel arap Moi knows only too well and uses to the maximum to get his way. Every time. He used it when he was president and he is still using it now in semi-retirement.

Let me jog your memory a little more (and inform younger Kumekuchans at the same time). When the clamour for the re-introduction of multiparty hit the country in the 90s there are Kenyans who gladly gave their lives so that today I am able to write this blog and you are able to read it without looking over your shoulder (or burning it and flashing it down the toilet if it was a newspaper). For those who are not aware Moi’s secret police used to hunt down government dissidents even in the West. It did not really matter where you were, they would find a way to get to you and get you.

As precious Kenyan blood was being spilt so that a day like this one would arrive where we would be on the verge of ushering in a brand new constitution, other Kenyans (like William Ruto and Cyrus Jirongo) saw the whole thing as a major business opportunity (just like the current No campaign by them is yet another business opportunity that will pay off big time).

My intention today is not to bore you by re-hashing history but to make the point that one of Daniel arap Moi’s favourite carrot sticks to pull everybody in line that is pretty effective is something called cash. Or shall I say cash incentives? And how did Moi earn his vast wealth? Did he do a Bill Gates? Or perhaps a Warren Buffet? I assure you he did not even come close to doing a Njenga Karume. Yet his net worth is up there. This is the same man who caused another Kenyan to lose his life only because that Kenyan knew about certain indiscretions of his with some women (the whole sickening story is in my book, Dark secrets of the Kenyan presidency. Get details now on how to receive the book).

Moi is not the kind of person I would buy a used blender from. Let alone a used car. He is the kind of person that would cause me to stop and think very hard if I discovered that we were in agreement over something. Let alone a constitution.

Now the self-proclaimed professor of politics has a few nasty surprises for Kenyans. Just like he warned us that multi-partyism would “burn us” and then proceeded to facilitate the same. He has been busy warning us that the new constitution is NOT good for Kenya and is about to do organize something so major that we will have no option but to agree with him.

I love this great piece I read in Bunge La Mwananchi: The 15 reasons why the ‘NO” Campaign is against the Proposed Constitution

Curtailing Civic Education Benefits NO Campaigners

Nyamu-led Kadhi Court Ruling Boomerang

This past weekend, Infotrack released opinon poll results touching on the referendum and the effects of the Kadhi court ruling on voters. Only a mere two out of ten voters confirmed having been influenced by the ruling.

The Infotrack poll also put the YES-ers at 63% and the NO-ers at 21%. The poll reveals there are significant incidences of katiba ignorance in Rift Valley and Eastern provinces the same areas where the NO-ers get most of their 21% support.

Knowledge is power and it is sad in this day and age, a large portion of these populated provinces have little knowledge on what is on the cards in the katiba. The need to educate these voters is important for it will help them make informed decisions at the time of voting at the referendum. In the short term, it will help them heckle and tell of the likes of ex-President Moi and the Ruto-Mithika axis who have made it a habit of misinforming and distorting the provisions of the draft whenever they address their rent-a-crowd rallies. Moi has suddenly gained notoriety for stoking ethnic passions instead of using his status to educate the RVP peasants on the individual chapters or provisions they purport to be retrogressive. Moi’s opposition to the draft stems from the fact that he wants to keep his huge swathes of idle grabbed land tax free.

It is regrettable that the status quoist are using Uhuru Kenyatta (YES daytime and NO nigh time) to deny these populous areas the right to civic education. For instance, some areas of Eastern and Rift Valley can only be reached by helicopters, which the CoE have to hire daily to traverse the remote areas. The CoE also have to run expensive daily roadshows and media campaigns all over Kenya so as to effectively disseminate their educational messages. But without money, they cannot do it. The same tactics which the colonial government used in the 1950s in resisting the struggle for independence are the same ones Uhuru is now using to deny Kenya the right to information on the new constitution.

Instead it is the office of the Prime Minister which has so far donated Kshs. 90million for the CoE to use in civic education. For a national assignment as important as this, why not the Office of the President, or even why not the Treasury?

Back to the poll and not surprisingly, the two leading YES provinces coincidentally also happen to be the same ones worst affected by deliberate marginalization of the Kenyatta, Moi and Kibaki governments. NEP at is YES at 96% and Nyanza is at 93%. They two are also the most informed about the contents of the draft and the least influenced by the recent bizarre ruling of the constitutional court on Kadhi courts.

Obviously these two regions are attracted to the proposed draft due to prospects of devolved government. After decades of paying tax to national government and watching helplessly as the same government overlooks their interests, there is hope at last in the new draft. Am looking at nearly 15% devolved funds comprising the national allocation to the County governments, powers to borrow and raise revenue, the equalization fund, the CDF and other forms of local resources will be put in the hands of the local people to decide for themselves at the grassroots what is best for themselves in the regions that they live. Too good to be true? What is more, the governor and county committee remains and are directly accountable to the people who elected them to these positions. In this case, there will be no PC or DC or even chief involved. It will be strictly by the people themselves.

What most ethnic kingpins and latter day politicians fear most about the counties is that the governors will overnight be transformed to become the new local political kingpins. The MP or even the power bokers will no longer be the ones calling the shots or hosting delegations. The governors will be. That will be on top of being on the development driving seat. Can you see the end of people like perennial fence-sitter Kalonzo and PEV masterminds Ruto, Uhuru Kenyatta – those who do not have a political constituency beyond their ethnic enclaves?? You bet!! The era of 'our people this our people that' is GONE.

Back to our pet question: Do you approve the proposed new Constitution?

Mine is BIG YES.

Dark faces behind secret NO campaign by YES camp revealed

Kumekucha exclusive

For days now our politicians have been telling us that there are some dark evil powerful forces bent on ensuring that Kenyans do not get a new constitution. Today in Kumekucha we reveal some of these big names. Sneaky fellows who are allegedly in the YES camp but are secretly fighting day and night to ensure that Kenyan’s efforts for a new constitution are frustrated.

Make no mistake about it. These guys are ready to do ANYTHING to make sure that we continue with the old constitution which has served them well. Too well, I dare say.

John Michuki gives the NSIS orders and the president can do nothing.

At the top of this list is star minister John Michuki. I have it from three independent sources that Michuki was behind the insertion of the infamous national security addition to the bill of rights at the Government press. Apparently Michuki used people like the solicitor general Muchemi to organize the bizarre changes at the government press. Some sources claim that he was also aided by Moi/Ruto contacts at the government press.

The other big name in the secret NO campaign is Uhuru Kenyatta. It is said that the Kenyatta fortune will be wiped out literally overnight if and when the new constitution comes into force. For starters the limit on the amount of land an individual can own (to be set by parliament) will affect the Kenyatta family before any other. The truth is that the full land holdings of this family is not really known. People keep on talking about land the size of Nyanza province, but that is only the land that is widely known. There are vast tracts of land not known about littered all over the country. The truth is that there was no nice piece of land that Jomo kenyatta laid his eyes on that he did not “acquire” during his presidency.

But an even bigger Motive for both Michuki and Kenyatta to be wary of a new constitution that promises too much justice to the ordinary folk has to do with the post election troubles of January 2008. These two individuals are top suspects on the Ocampo list and one does not need to be a lawyer to conclude that they are much better protected under the old constitution. The proposed constitution to them is like a hand grenade that has had the safety pin already removed.

Moi’s motives are easy to decipher. He has vast tracts of land and a new constitution would enforce the truth and reconciliation process which would also bring out all kinds of skeletons from closets that Moi has sealed and is eager never to have opened in his lifetime or that of his children. Those who underestimate Moi’s influence and potential to do harm should think again. Moi has always been a hard systematic worker and remember that at the moment he has nothing else on his plate but defeating the new constitution.

Amazingly Kibaki’s exit strategy is hard to believe. But then I am quickly reminded that most Kenyans laughed when it was suggested that Kibaki would rig the 2007 presidential elections. And so for now I will not laugh. Kibaki plans to be the first president under the new constitution.

Earlier in this blog we talked about the NSIS involvement in inserting the controversial National security addition in the bill of rights. To me the orders would only have come from Kibaki. I just could not contemplate the thought of the president not being in full control of such a vital organ like the NSIS. Facts emerging now prove that Michuki (whom Kibaki has always delegated certain sensitive NSIS matters to) took advantage of things and used the NSIS to do damage at the government press. Michuki knew that the president would do nothing. In other words the commander in chief is NOT in full control.

My big fear is what else these desperate Kenyans will do, knowing full well that the president will do nothing? Brace yourselves Kenyans, it’s going to be a pretty rough ride from here to that place called a new constitution.

Orbituary: Tony Msalame of Sheki Legi is Dead

The rampant CHEST epidemic has robbed Kenya yet another of her illustrious sons. Veteran Kenya broadcaster Tony Msalame, 57, passed away Friday morning after suddenly collapsing at his Sheki Studios in Mombasa complained of chest pains. He was pronounced dead on arrival at Pandya Memorial Hospital where he was rushed.

The death of Msalame robs Kenya of an authentic entertainer both at radio studios and on TV, Tushauriane. The not-so young Kenyans will recall Tony as the signature voice of infant Metro FM radio off KBC. Teaming with youngster DJs like Lucy Nduta, Angela Obino, Anne Lamayan and Kenyan-Congolese Harry Kabecha, African Music/Lingala and Benga music grew its own wings at Metro.

Tony was an accomplished broadcaster at ease acting in TV, presenting Jazz hour on radio and Rhythm and Blues with Fayaz Qureishi. His Zum Zum Kipindi cha Kuongeza Maarifa, which he co-hosted with Kenyan-Tanzanian Tido Mhando was in a league of its own. Come Sunday evening and Msalame na dada Mrembo Khadija Ali would rock you off your seat with scintillating and often provocative Taarabu ballads.

Tony Msalame trail blazed modern FM Radio entertainment in Kenya with his Sheki Legi program. His ilk includes the evergreen Freddy Obachi Machoka (the blackest man in black Africa), Khadija Ali, Eddy Fondo and Abdull Haq not to forget Mwalimu JOJ (Kenyan Franco), John Karani and Jeff Mwangemi. Tony's death is a golden feather off Kenya's national entertainment wing.

A true Kenyan, Burudani with Tony at Sheki FM was the best. His fans spanned all the corners of Kenya. He would start with a call from Kip in Eldoret, follow it with Kasivu from Mwala, spice it with Nyongesa from Bungoma before invitting, Busia, Kisumu dala, Kisii, Kakamega, Muranga, Lunga Lunga na Kenya yote to Sheki legi.

Rest in peace Tony, we loved you. And may your Skeki FM studio in Mombasa live long in flying your flag/legacy. You were a true Kenyan who warmed our hearts when you lived. Thank you Tony for a life fully lived and enjoyed, we can only repay you by celebrating yours.

Kibaki is NOT A BRILLIANT ECONOMIST

By Mwarang'ethe

Recently, Chris wrote this. “One of the few things that Kenyans already knew about Mwai Kibaki early on and had known for decades was the fact that he was a brilliant scholar. Of that there is no doubt. ...” See his piece here. Chris is in good company in perpetuation of this myth. Read any mainstream media and you will find the same stuff. In view of this, we think that, time has come to demonstrate with irrefutable with facts that, the idea that, Kibaki is a “brilliant economics scholar” amounts to nothing but, feeding an ignorant nation with cow dung mixed with saccharin. We shall use Kibaki’s government (which includes Raila, Kalonzo, Uhuru etc) statistics to demolish this trash once and for all.

Let us first note this. In 1991, a committee from the American Economic Association noted that universities have been producing “WELL EDUCATED IDIOT ECONOMISTS.” It added that graduate programmes in economics may be turning out a generation of too many IDIOTS SERVANTS, skilled in technique but innocent in REAL ECONOMIC ISSUES. According to the report, one unnamed “leading” university graduate students could not figure out why barbers’ wages have risen over time, but, they could easily solve a two sector general equilibrium model with disembodied technical progress in one sector. Source: Report on the Commission on Graduate Education in Economics in Journal of Economic Literature, September 1991, page 1044-5.

Economic development (wealth creation) is about aligning the public interests of a nation with the private interests of the capitalists. However, the failure of standard economics since 1945 which men like Kibaki are schooled in, has led to a catastrophic failure in understanding the essence of colonialism. The essence of colonialism was and is to prevent colonies from developing manufacturing industries which are subject to INCREASING RETURNS. Having prevented development of industrial sector which are the source of HIGHER WAGES, and sources of high growth potential, they then, fasten on us the Malthusian activities which are subject to DIMINISHING RETURNS.

To fasten this yoke of slavery on us, they use “brilliant” economists like Kibaki. Let us now factor statistics from Kenya Monthly Economic Review, February 2010 issued by another “brilliant” economist calling himself Governor of the Central Bank of Kenya. The report is found here.

Inflation Statistics

Let us bear in mind this. Inflation is LOSS OF PURCHASING POWER. Bearing this in mind, let us now turn to page 7 -8 of this report (we were unable to lift the graphs). On these pages, we have statistics on loss of purchasing power for the previous 12 month for each of the three income groups in Nairobi. We expect the same trend all over the nation. As we go forward, let us bear in mind that, these inflation figures are a falsification of Kibaki/Raila government and the real inflation figures are over 20%. We demonstrated this in the article: EPZs and Modern Slavery: Who Shall Tell Wanjiku the Ugly Truth?.

Now, according to this report, for the previous 12 months, the lower income group (hoi polloi in Korogocho and Kibera) lost their purchasing power by 6.2%, for the middle income, by 3% and the upper income group, by 5.6%. Mark you, the low income group is on fixed incomes. Thus, under Kibaki and Raila’s government, the POOREST and the most vulnerable Kenyans lost more purchasing power than the middle class and the super rich. If you turn to page 9 of this report, you will see that, food prices were second to Tusker and Sportman in price increment. Ironically and tragically, it was the food’s component in the inflation “basket” that, this government has reduced so as to calculate inflation in accordance with “international standards” as if people of Kibera eat as per international standards, whatever that means. Is this how a “brilliant” economist runs a nation? How can a man who runs a government that subjugates the poorest due to its monetary and energy policies be termed as a brilliant scholar? We ask scholar of what?

Leaving all the bull shit in this report, let us now jump to page 12. Therein, we find what the gods of money under the leadership of our “brilliant scholar” does with our money. The first thing to note is that, trade (read imports) was given Ksh 28 billion so as to import used women under wears. The second highest recipient of our credit is private households to buy imported mobile phones, TVs and beds with Ksh 28 billion. The third beneficiary of our credit is consumer durables which received Ksh 18 billion. We need to note that, these debts on households are a direct result of low wages which force Kenyans to become serfs of the banks. Thereafter, we find land speculators were given Ksh 15 billion. Jumping all the other lucky sectors of our wonderful economy under a “brilliant scholar,” we manage to locate what should have been at the top, i.e. manufacturing and agriculture. We are told every independence day that, agriculture is the main stare of our economy at 23.4% of our GDP. However, we see that, this crucial sector received only Ksh 3.3. Billion. When you add the miserable Ksh 4.8 billion the manufacturing sector received, we see that, the two MOST critical sectors of our economy received only Ksh 8 billion. Brilliant!

On page 16, we find something about major crops such as horticulture, coffee, sugarcane and milk. We may note that, apart from sugar and milk (if not spoilt) which we consume locally, our tea, coffee, flowers, fruits and vegetables are in most cases meant for export so as to raise dollars for our debts which we are taking to build toilets. From these facts, we can see that, under Mr Kibaki, we dedicate much of our credit to consumption of imported stuff for consumption as well. And, even when we give some credit to our most vital industry, i.e. agriculture, we dedicate that credit to export stuff like flowers. Genius!

In very simple words, under the guidance of our “brilliant scholar,” who has been with us since 1963, Kenya is now locked into comparative advantage in economic activities subject to DIMINISHING RETURNS given that, land supply is fixed. A combination of population growth due to improved hygiene, vaccines etc, and diminishing return activities means that, our efforts are yielding less and less as our specialisation deepens. As we sink deeper into poverty thereof, many Kenyans, just to survive must go back to the nature to eke a living. In this we see the real cause of the ongoing destruction of our fragile environment, such as Mau forest is not greed, but, survival. Although destruction of our environment is in search of individual survival, it eventually becomes a collective destruction. From this standpoint, we hope the stupidity of Mau and other forests reclamation becomes obvious without a change of our economic structure.

Apart from the diminishing returns curse, we are also faced with PERFECT COMPETITION situation for all 3rd world governments sell same stuff. Under perfect competition conditions, there is no profit, i.e. the economic surplus necessary for future investments. This also translates to LOW WAGES and low taxes for the government. We dealt with this matter in the article: Even Dead Fish Goes with the Flow

Another tragedy we face is PRICE VOLATILITY of our products. By relying on flower, tea, coffee exports, it means that, our national wage levels and the level of economic activities tends to fluctuate with the world market of these exports. This means that, our wages are always reversible with very serious consequences.

Thus, under Kibaki’s watch, we are now locked into a double trap of resource curse. Even if we improve our tapping of the natural resources, it only leads to more disaster. As an example, improved fishing methods in Lake Victoria only leads to faster depletion of the fish stocks. Even if we introduce technical innovations like tea harvesting machines that Atwoli hates so much, the increasing returns part comes embedded in the machines we import and not as a result of knowledge created locally. As a result, there are few spills over effects to the rest of the economy from knowledge created in a resources based economy. Such an economy can only bring about zero sum game society of static rent seekers, i.e. land grabbers and stealing of aids. Such a nation is on the way to failure because such habits bring about feudal patterns of political and socio – economical behaviour as we see today in Kenya.

If we are not dealing with these Malthisian activities, we are busy building “special” EPZs, i.e. more slavery wage system as we documented in EPZs and Modern Slavery cited above. In these EPZs, we specialise in manufacturing low end activities which the developed nations outsource when they become subject to PERFECT COMPETITION. As a result, we specialise in areas subject to negative returns and have little scope of learning. We ask again, how does a man who has contributed so much to locking a defeated and vanquished nation to such a weird economic system, be called brilliant?

Instead of trapping Kenyans this way, if Kibaki was really brilliant as we are told, he could have come up with enlightened policies to move the nation to what Michael Porter calls created comparative advantage in activities not subject to diminishing returns, i.e. manufacturing activities. With industrial development, we would be able to develop our agricultural sector because, without a fully functioning industrial system, agricultural developments are impossible. More so, for those who tell us that, we can specialise in the in the services sector, we ask, services to serve who? Specialised services can only exist to serve high tech manufacturing and agricultural sectors of an economy.

By moving the nation towards manufacturing, he would have moved our economy to the economic activities subject to: (a) increasing returns, (b) imperfect competition, i.e. innovation rents, (c) large scale for learning and (d) technical changer. It is precisely these activities; colonialism was and is established to derail. To achieve these satanic aims, they use “brilliant economists” like Kibaki and the control of the “independent” central bank. It is precisely for these reasons; we have said so many times on this blog that, the so called “independence” of the central bank in our “new constitution” is the most dangerous clause and is treason.

However, since Kenyans rely on their “brilliant” economists like Kibaki, they ask, why are you talking about money all the time? We do so, because, money is the blood of the economy and if you take over the heart, i.e. the central bank, you will control the “blood flow” for personal as opposed to public interest. By controlling our “blood flow,” you can kill us any time you want by refusing to “pump enough blood” unless you are paid a tribute just when we are “running Boston Marathon and precisely when we need a lot of oxygen and maximum concentration to win” or you might just create unnecessary poverty to humiliate us by “releasing blood” when you want and reducing it whenever you fancy just to satisfy your satanic instincts of power and domination of other men, a characteristic of vipers and thieves.

In other words, to those who think we can reform our nation without reforming the monetary system, we say like Jesus, may the Lord forgive thee, for you do not know what you are talking about. A sound monetary system provides a basis for the people, NOT our private bankers and NOT our government, to control the very value of the money in our monetary system. This is why sound money is of such utter importance. Sound money means money will not be created as debt as it is today. We must say ENOUGH of this slavery.

As a matter of urgency, Kenyan needs well thought laws (not this draft constitution please) and policies to redirect our credit from imports and useless consumption to MANUFACTURING and AGRICULTURE so as to create the needed synergy for wealth creation. Instead of Kenyans doing this, they come up with weird ideas of CDF with borrowed money while accepting colonial welfare in the name of Millennium Development Goals (MDGs). What developments are mad men like Sachs talking about when we are directing all our credit to imports, i.e. creation of jobs and wealth to foreigners? In simple words, the vicious circle of NO PURCHASING POWER and NO PRODUCTIVE POWER must be broken. Not by CDF, MDG’s, or “Vision” 2030 which has only managed to increase policemen, i.e. brutality as we hear here, or the so called socio – economic human rights, but a complete restructuring of our economy. Anything else is word play, disguise, deception, deliberate use of nonsense and absurdity to distract the masses.

To break this vicious circle, we need leaders (Jeremiah 5: 1) who can see Kenyan as an entrepreneur organisation. In other words, leaders keenly aware of the need to restructure the country as a collection of resources which includes capital/money, people and productive assets and more so, able to regularly identify new and additional combinations of these resources based on a network of relations, information with the objective of sharing economic growth at all levels. This must be so because; there is a relation between economic structure and the political stability and peace or instability and armed strife.

That’s why we find in the Bible these words. “And the land was not able to bear/support them that they may dwell together.” Genesis 13:6. If they had machines in those days, the land would have been sufficient for their families. Thus, in the Bible, we read about one of the most important economic laws, i.e. DIMINISHING RETURNS and its corrosive effect on human relations. The only way of ensuring that, this law does not destroy a nation is to industrialise because this creates higher dynamic rents for future investments in research and knowledge acquisition for the capitalists, higher wages for labour and higher taxes for the government. And more so, industrialisation increases the carrying capacity of a nation as we see in Holland etc.

However, our “brilliant economists” in the 21st Century cannot understand what was known during the Renaissance Era. Now, if this is the case, would one dispute if we said Kibaki is not a brilliant economist as we have been told, but, he is just another “WELL EDUCATED IDIOT ECONOMIST,” or just another IDIOT SAVANT, skilled in technique but innocent in REAL ECONOMIC ISSUES?

Can the constitution be stopped?

...as Atwoli seeks presidency

Francis Atwoli wants to be president of Kenya

The recent court ruling declaring the Kadhi courts in the current constitution illegal has shocked many. But what I found even more interesting are the rumour mills in Nairobi pointing an accusing fingers at some prominent people on the YES camp as being the ones behind the court ruling.

It would seem that there are some people working around the clock to ensure that finally one of the many spanners they are throwing into the works to stop the train that is called a new constitution will work and bring it to a grinding halt.

First it was the NSIS alterations in the draft at the printing stage. Now comes this bizarre court ruling.

The big question is; will they finally succeed?

I don’t think so. But what worries me most is that the rich and powerful are greatly underestimating the resolve of the Kenyan people to get a new constitution. The last time when Mwai Kibaki underestimated the resolve of the Kenyan people for change, the world saw the repercussions as Kenya exploded. I don’t want to think what would happen if for some reason the constitutional process was stopped on some technicality.

The constitutional court ruling left many legal professionals surprised. To the ordinary Kenyan it was yet another reason why Kenyans don’t trust our courts. Majority of those I surveyed in a quick survey I have done over the last day or so are convinced that money changed hands to influence the strange court verdict.

Meanwhile Francis Atwilo wants to be the next president of Kenya. Who is Atwoli?

Francis Atwoli is a long serving trade unionist who is the current secretary general of the Central Organization of Trade Unions (Kenya). He was elected to the board in 2002 having worked for several years as a member of the Agriculture and Plantation Workers Union. He has consistently presented himself as a vocal advocate for workers rights frequently making his famous animated speeches in events such as Labour Day criticizing politicians on issues such as their refusal to pay taxes on their allowances, and dabbling in corruption. He has also been critical of Non-Governmental bodies interfering with labour disputes, and global institutions including the World Bank and their policies in Kenya.

Since last year Atwoli has been holding meetings all over country (exclusively televised by Citizen TV each time without fail) ostensibly to put pressure on the political class to deliver a new constitution to the people of Kenya. Now it seems that his motives were much deeper than that. He told his latest meeting in Kikuyu (to raise funds for a church) that he will later be going around the country to ask the people for their support for a certain office in the next government. He then told the meeting that he was sure he will be in the next government. There are not many offices you can seek countrywide support for. In fact it is only one, the presidency.

In recent times those close to Atwoli have been insisting that he is going for the presidency. Now a section of the media has recently confirmed this.

Some people think that Atwoli is a big joke and not fit for the office of the presidency. I don’t agree. But what should excite Kenyans is not whether he can win or not, but the new kind of politics he is using to campaign for the office completely devoid of tribalism and tribal pointmen.

Come on, The Land Does Not Speak Kalenjin

Retired president Daniel arap Moi: Stirring up trouble for selfish reasons.

If, as some allied to the NO campaign are preaching, my little piece of land will be taken over by the government upon passage of the proposed constitution, then I’ll need little or no incentive to activate the Sabaot Land Defence Forces (SLDF) and related Kalenjin militia to battle Nairobi.

Battle Nairobi, because my ancestors suffered from what has come – in Kenyanese – to be known as “historical injustices.”

As witnessed in 2007/8, either only a foolish or callous regime would want to court massive unrest, predicated on “historical injustices.”

Historical injustices, because my great grandfather was a man of means, occupying land and several heads of cattle in the area surrounding Mt. Elgon.

When some British settler came around, the family lost the wealth, and its members were appropriated as farm-hands in the new enterprise. Two generations later, the clan had been scattered into Bungoma, Uasin Gishu, West Pokot and – in my instance – the wider Trans-Nzoia District, in addition to other parts of the country. I cannot return to my “ancestral” home and claim anything, were I to lose what I call home in Trans-Nzoia. Other people moved in following my grandfather’s displacement, - there’s no telling where the livestock is, and locals have developed new narratives, devoid of our past or immediate presence. The new inhabitants even think colonial history gave us a better lot in Trans-Nzoia, and that we have no business seeking to look back.

Few care to know that the colonial legacy and compromises that gave birth to settlement schemes in Trans-Nzoia, as indeed elsewhere in the Rift Valley province, birthed chronic land problems, now cannon fodder to some in the NO campaign. Few care to know that the land no longer speaks Kalenjin, and that several among us cannot trace our way back to Egypt, Sudan, Shungwaya, the Congo or West Africa. Few care to know that some in the NO campaign – alongside their surrogates in the YES camp - propped up a privileged, propertied elite in Trans-Nzoia, as indeed the rest of the province, at the expense of the rural poor.

When I was in Cherangany to get my vote a few weeks ago, local concerns centered on a powerful elite seeking to dispose off some community land in Chebarus – a major trading center - before the proposed constitution becomes law, when it is feared such deals might be impossible. Taken to its logical end, the NO gospel that individual pieces of land may be taken away can only serve to stoke up embers, and awaken demons of the region’s troubled past.

Thus, former President Moi’s recent warning that stability and peace in the province are contingent on a NO vote ought to be seen for what it is: a coded message for Rift Valley residents to either fuata nyayo, or prepare for the worst. On other occasions, I would have laughed off Moi, and likened his concern for peace and stability to Tony Soprano talking about law and order.

Similarly, I would have easily asked him – as indeed others who have become the political face of NO in the Rift Valley - to take anger management classes from Julius Malema, for their ire at the manner in which the proposed constitution has decidedly re-configured local politics along Moi-era district boundaries. But the time and occasion is such that we just might be witnessing a revolution in Rift Valley politics, so peaceful that those who make periodic violence inevitable could well be on their way to irrelevance. Skewed as it is, the chapter on devolution particularly gives a glimmer of hope for those in the province who have repeatedly been considered “Kenyans in the Diaspora.”

Creating desolation of the kind witnessed in the province in 2007/8, calling it peace and seeking to build electoral alliances around the same is going to be tenuous, particularly if transitional justice in the grander scheme of things runs its course.

Thus I’ll neither laugh at, nor scorn Moi and company: they have a right to be on the other side of history, and to believe that it will absolve them. Instead, I would that both the Kalenjin and non-Kalenjin intelligentsia in the province imagine and labor for a shared future, that’s honest about both the past and present, yet even more hopeful about the future. The effort must be clear, bold, with social justice at its heart and so visionary as to consider a tomorrow grounded on a knowledge economy and less on land as the primary factor of production. It might also be time for a new crop of leaders to emerge in the Rift Valley, over which hovers an unforgettable cloud of witnesses: Jean-Marie Seroney, Chelagat Mutai, Bishop Alexander Muge, Masinde Muliro and others.

Of course all this is predicated on social renewal, and the hope that Wanjiku will genuinely outgrow the narrow ends of ethnic nationalism.

Guest post by Jesse Masai. The writer directs the Institute for Faith, Law and Society in Nairobi

Are you an old boy of Lenana School? Are you interested in rugby? If the answer to both questions is YES, then this brand new blog could be fascinating for you.

Who is Mwai Kibaki?

One of the few things that Kenyans already knew about Mwai Kibaki early on and had known for decades was the fact that he was a brilliant scholar. Of that there is no doubt. Ever since his much older brother in-law a Paul Muruthi had insisted that the young Mwai go to school instead of grazing his father’s herd of sheep and cattle, the young lad seemed a permanent feature right at the very top of his class wherever he went. It is widely know that he was the first African to get the maximum 6 points in his O-levels.

Mwai was the last born son of peasant farmers in Othaya, Gatoyaini village and his father was called Kibaki Githinji and his mother Teresia Wanjiku. Both are long deceased.

It is instructive that on taking over the presidency, the very first thing Kibaki did was to declare free primary school education to all even when the government did not know how it was all going to be financed. It was not like Kibaki a world renowned economist to make such a reckless move.
Mwai Kibaki: Kenyans still don't really know him.

In an ABC Prime Time TV interview in the US in 2004 former US President Bill Clinton identified Kibaki as the one living person he would most like to meet “because of the Kenyan government’s decision to abolish school fees for primary education”. Clinton added that, by providing free and compulsory primary education, what Kibaki had done would affect more lives than any president had done or would ever do by the end of the first year. The free education programme saw nearly 1.7 million more pupils enrol in school by the end of that year. Clinton’s wish was granted when he visited Kenya and met Kibaki on 22nd July 2005.

But to those who knew Kibaki a little better, it is no surprise that education would be so close to the president’s heart. After all a decision to take him to school so many years earlier had made the whole difference. In deed if there was ever a person for whom it would be said that education had opened all political doors for them, then Mwai Kibaki has to be at the top of that list.

For starters Kanu fetched him from Makerere University, Uganda for him to be Kenya’s first executive officer because it was felt that the Kanu leadership lacked enough depth due to the poor educational background of most. Even Tom Mboya, the most brilliant politician Kenya has seen, did not have a university degree. After independence in 1963 Kibaki quickly found himself at the heart of the country’s financial and economic planning. A parliamentary seat was found for him and won for him by Mboya (this was for Donholm Constituency, subsequently called Bahati and now known as Makadara, in Nairobi) and he was quickly appointed assistant minister and chairman of the powerful Economic Planning Commission in 1963 before he was even 32 years old. He was in the cabinet a short three years later as Minister of commerce and industry and in 1969 became the powerful Finance minister. By any standards this was a very rapid climb. All these doors were opened by his solid educational credentials which were rare in those days and badly required by the young Kenyan nation.

Kibaki himself recognizes this and greatly values educational credentials as we have already seen.

However the down side of this rapid climb which many have still not seen is that Kibaki never had the chance to cut his teeth properly as a bare knuckled politician. This glaring weakness was to show itself many years later when he climbed to the very top of Kenyan politics and became president. It is true to say that of all the three Kenyan presidents, Kibaki was the least qualified as a politician to hold the office.

In many ways this explains the way he has always ended up in the kind of troubles that a more savvy politician would easily have avoided. It also explains why Kibaki has always been the reluctant politician terrified of mudding himself in the normal political mud wrestling that goes with the trade. In fact many times he has gone to great lengths to avoid the “politics”. Odd for a man who has been a politician for so long.

Fascinatingly this characteristic served him very well in two important stepping stones to the presidency.

The first was as Daniel arap Moi’s vice president (1978 to 1988). It is important to note that Moi had greatly preferred Jeremiah Nyagah and was determined to appoint him as his Vice president on taking over power in August 1978 from Jomo Kenyatta. But Charles Njonjo, then the AG and whom we have seen held Moi’s hand through his first uneasy steps as president, advised him to appoint Kibaki instead. And Njonjo knew the right arguments to use to convince Moi. He knew that Moi was terrified of the Kikuyu as a political threat and Njonjo told him, Kibaki would be the perfect “window dressing” for Kikuyus to feel that nothing had changed much for them even after the death of Jomo.

Kibaki settled into the Vice presidency and literally “disappeared.” Which meant that there was absolutely no possibility of him ever overshadowing Moi? In those early years Kibaki concentrated on his Finance docket and visitors to Kenya would have found it hard to guess that he was actually also the Vice president.

The second time his hatred of bare-knuckle politics helped him out was as leader of the official opposition in 1998. Kibaki became leader of the opposition by virtue of his DP (Democratic Party of Kenya) political party being the opposition party with most seats in parliament. Most DP legislators hailed from the Kikuyu tribe who are usually loud and controversial in their politics by nature. Kibaki’s quite, sober character that avoided petty politics at all costs gave the party a much better image than it deserved and raised Kibaki’s profile immensely as a voice of reason in the usually radical opposition. This served him considerably well and later helped Kenyans across the political divide quickly warm to him as the opposition candidate in 2002. This was in itself amazing because before Kibaki took the helm the country had been served by only two presidents and one of them had been Kikuyu. And therefore it stood to reason that the third president should NOT be a Kikuyu. More blunt Kenyans would have told you that they had already had their turn to eat. This is one of the reasons why Moi was so sure of himself in selecting Uhuru Kenyatta as the Kanu candidate because he was certain that the opposition candidate would not be a Kikuyu and he would therefore have a huge advantage and an easy win in fronting Uhuru for the presidency. No serious presidential candidate in Kenya can ever afford to ignore the sheer numbers of the Kikuyu community.

But in retrospect Kenyans now know that they elected a man that they hardly knew to be their third president. And yet many mistakenly felt that they knew him well enough because he had been in politics for so long. Nobody wanted to remember that he was the longest serving non-politician in Kenyan politics and that the country would pay a very high price mainly because of this fact.

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How fear has always driven the presidency

We have studied the character of Kenyatta in great detail and the evidence all points to a meek old harmless man who was arrested in 1952 and later imprisoned for a crime he did not commit. It was an even older man humbled by a long prison sentence who took over the leadership of Kenya in 1963.

Zanzibar stone town today: In January 1964 the tiny sleepy island not far from Mombasa suddenly exploded. Eyewitnesses described the bloody coup in Zanzibar with chilling words like "Arab blood flowed on the streets of the stone town as if from a great river." The effect of that coup so close to home had a major impact on the infant Kenyatta administration and was one of the foundation stones of the impunity that followed.

The question we must busy ourselves with answering now is how this meek old man of the church was transformed into the feared president everybody wants to remember? Young folks change all the time but Kenyatta was at least 68 years old when he became Kenya’s first prime Minister. How does such an old man change from what he has been all his life?

There is no doubt that the long prison sentence had hardened the old man considerably. Still evidence suggests that Kenyatta entered office with high ideals and a genuine determination to make good and impact the lives of ordinary Kenyans. Ironically every single president after him has started with the same high ideals. We shall see in this book what brought their dreams crashing down.

For Kenyatta the honey moon was quickly and rudely brought to an end as crisis after crisis hit the infant administration. There was the scary army mutiny at Lanet in 1964 just a few months into the Kenyatta administration. Even today there is very little information on what really happened at the biggest military barracks in the country. But it was serious enough for the Kenyatta government to seek outside military assistance to quell which they received mostly from Britain.

Then there were numerous coups in other African countries. Nigeria was particularly notorious. But not all the troubles were so far away. Closer to home there was the extremely bloody coup and revolution in January 1964 in neighbouring Zanzibar, a sleepy tiny Island off the Tanzanian Coast and not far from Dar-es-salaam and Mombasa in Kenya. What must have really frightened Kenyatta and his inner circle was the obvious foreign involvement in that coup. Even the leader was not a Zanzibari but a Ugandan policeman known as Okello. There were whispers that some foreign western powers had sanctioned the change in regime in Zanzibar. The truth is that after years of great cruelty by Arabs against the non-Arab population on the island, the revolution had been simmering for decades and just needed a mad policeman like Okello to ignite the slaughter that ensued. It was later said of that mutiny that Arab blood flowed on the streets of Zanzibar like water from a great river.

It soon became very clear that there were plenty of potential threats to the presidency which had to be addressed immediately. It was a question of survival and the only way to survive was to crash all opposition even before it had a chance of raising its’ head properly. The president would need people he could trust completely around him and in all key positions in the country especially in the disciplined forces.

Kenyatta promptly started appointing close relatives and village mates to sensitive positions in government and the security forces. Later after the assassination of Tom Mboya the Kenyatta administration went even further and launched secret oath-taking amongst senior officials in government. I remember my dad telling me stories of how he resisted several invitations to these oath-taking sessions where one had to strip completely naked and do all kinds of weird things. He was assured that promotion to very senior positions anywhere in Kenya was impossible without taking these oaths.

Fear is a very powerful emotion that has been known to transform people’s characters completely. It is no secret that despite the absolute power in State House which we are told corrupts absolutely; few have appreciated the fact that the occupants of this great house on the hill have always had to live with great fear. For Kenyatta and Moi it was fear of being overthrown and seeing those close to them raped and murdered in cold blood or executed by firing squad by the successful coup leaders. For Kibaki it has been more about ending up in some prison with a long list of charges, some of them trumped up by his political opponents and pretenders to the presidency.

Clearly Kenyatta also feared assassination to the point of being paranoid. For instance during his entire time as president Kenya’s founding father avoided flying at all costs. This was one reason why he was always represented in conferences and functions out of the country by his Vice president. Even in trips to the Coast Kenyatta would always prefer the 8 hour long trip by road, even when his health was at its’ worst. It was only after his death that Kenyatta’s body enetered a plane after very many years. The body was flown back to Nairobi from Mombasa. Fear was undoubtedly a strong driving behind numerous executive decisions then and some of these quickly ushered in impunity and shaped the office of the presidency for many years to come.

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Part 1

Part 2

Part 3

Part 4