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This old man claims that he knows DP William Ruto better than anybody else does because even the idea for URP and its' very formation unfolded in his boardroom.
The body language of Senator Murkomen at the Mau before he made his sensational and unexpected about turn on the Mau issue suggests that the Elgeyo Marakwet senator started running scared a little earlier.
Is it possible that the experienced Ruto camp made the elementary mistake of not thinking through their moves or were they just outsmarted by the other side? Part 2 of 2 See Part 1 here; https://youtu.be/UyRbqqcYAkw
What really made Kipchumba Murkomen so suddenly back off the Mau issue? Hours after swearing that he was not going to relent. What changed behind the scenes?
A few weeks ago DP William Ruto backtracked over the issue of the debt owed to him by the Uhuru camp to support the DP for 2022. Now Kipchumba Murkomen, a close ally of the DP suddenly backtracks over the Mau issue. In this press briefings he evades all questions that would have explained this very sudden change of heart.
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Jostling has started to replace DP Ruto as the leading contender for 2022 Presidency of the republic of Kenya. Part 2 of 2 See Part 1 Here; https://youtu.be/c5eGz82vz2M
NASA legislators commenting about Murkomen remarks; "When he said that Raila signed an agreement with another mkora (crook), he is really calling the president a mkora."
President
Uhuru Kenyatta's chief advisor on political affairs Nancy Gitau is said
to be one of the most powerful figures in the Jubilee administration.
She is one of the people mentioned by a prosecution witness at the ICC
as having played a role in getting witnesses to fix Deputy President
William Ruto before the Waki Commission. In spite of her power and
influence for last six years she has been in government, Ms Gitau has
never granted a media interview. STANDARD NEWSPAPER Senior Writer
MWANIKI MUNUHE exclusively interviewed her at State House, Nairobi.
Excerpts:
You have been mentioned in the ongoing ICC cases
as one of the state officials who were procuring witnesses for the Waki
Commission to fix the Deputy President William Ruto, what do you make of
this?
Many people have been mentioned before the
International Criminal Court, I have no idea what number I could be, and
many more people will continue to be mentioned. I felt humiliated not
because I was mentioned, but because this is the most humiliating thing
for Kenya and Africa in general. The point is, I don̢۪t take this ICC
business as a comedy; this is a tragedy. Many people will be mentioned
but this is a tragedy whichever way you look at it.
You were a
senior government official when the Waki Commission was appointed; did
you have any role in the commission whatsoever?
I will tell you
facts as they are; I attended almost all the Waki Commission hearings. I
would attend as an ordinary citizen. I heard all the stories. In fact, I
also attended the Krigler Commission meetings. Equally, I had access to
the Waki Commission evidence, I spent a whole weekend reading all the
1,900 statements filed with the commission and I read cover to cover of
the Waki report. What shocked me is that what I heard in the Waki
Commission meetings and what I read in the statements is not what was
contained in the report. There was a retreat in Naivasha to discuss this
report; I was the first person to say that this matter must never be
allowed to go to the ICC. I did not think our institutions had gone to
the dogs. We are not a failed state.
But Kenyan Parliament voted in favour of ICC, effectively, the country through Koffi Annan took itself to The Hague. Comment?
No,
the motion in Parliament was whether or not a local tribunal should be
established. In fact, we did not even seem to know what a local tribunal
meant in the first place. That motion of establishing a local tribunal
was lost. But that did not mean that a motion to take the country to ICC
had been adopted. In other words, failure of this motion was not equal
to ICC.
And let me be honest with you, I am not one of the people
who give Koffi Annan the credit he has been given by other people. He
is part of our problem. He has been part of this long programme just
like Maina Kiai. These NGO people have something in common, they are
fluent, they know how to hold the fork, and they attend cocktails and
are given a platform in big forums which they use to undermine their
country and its institutions.
What programme are you referring to?
There
has been a programme to portray Africa in a certain way that we are
still very primitive. This programme is done for a purpose and that
purpose may not be necessarily political. They call it civilisation
programme. ICC is part of the programme. NGOs have been used to further
this programme by undermining their own institutions and thus setting a
certain public opinion. Listen to the description of the dress code of
the people who were allegedly cutting each other's neck have been
given. Ask yourself; do you see the people that ICC is describing in
your villages, where do they live? When did killing become normal, whose
project is this? Africa must see this project for what it is and we
must tell them "this is your project have it." This is a Kenyan case; it is not an African case, why do you keep on talking about Africa and not Kenya?
I
say Africa because ICC is about two people, the owners and the clients.
ICC like many other people have said was meant for Africa not the
European countries. Former colonial masters still think civilisation
process is still on, they need tools to do that and ICC is one of them.
Why do they shake when Africa threatens a mass exodus yet Africa
comprises of just about 27.8Â per cent membership? The owners like the
Dutch are happy. How much money do you think Kenya is exporting to their
countries by all these travels, accommodation, hiring of lawyers.
Somebody should do this calculation. They fund NGOs and purport to give
independent voices yet the NGOs themselves are part of the owners of
ICC. But there are African lobby groups that are not necessarily Kenyan and are supporting the ICC trials?
I
have checked and I think they are about 30 lobby groups. What is clear
is that they get their funding from one source that technically owns
them. They are agents of neo-colonialism. They are agents of creating
the impression that African systems don̢۪t work. Some colonial masters
still think they left Africa too soon.
How does you current job and the previous one compare?
I
am happy to be working at home. During my previous job at USAID I
travelled extensively and nowhere did I hear people talking ill of their
countries. Just like in a family set up, you may not like your brother
or sister very much but you don̢۪t go shouting about it in the market. I
think I am most satisfied working for my country especially working
under a hardworking and caring President who feels very strongly about
the future of the country.
You mentioned you worked at USAID for about 17 years, what were you doing at USAID?
I
was the team leader in the democracy and governance sector, it was an
exciting job because I got to travel to many countries across the world.
Around 1992 during the multiparty struggles, I spearheaded a programme
to strengthen the Kenyan Parliament. We pushed through creation of house
committees amongst other legislations. Many of the NGOs you see today
got their first funding on my signature including Kenya National Human
Rights Commission because at that time, their push coincided with our
interest in democracy and good governance. I pushed this programme for
about six years.
Essentially, my job entailed working closely
with the embassy, liaising with state department in the management of
human rights and democracy governance programme in Kenya. But before
joining USAID, I had worked under Undugu programme; I worked in many
slums across the country. I worked in Coast region, Central, Nyanza. I
was shocked by life in slums particularly because I had not seen a slum
before in my village. But what I never saw in slums is negative
ethnicity. People lived in peace and there was no fear of violence.
After 17 years of an exciting job at USAID, why did you quit to join government?
First
of all, I did not apply to join the former President Kibaki's
administration. I was called to join the government in the year 2007. Somebody called me and said he was calling from State House who I later
learnt was Stanley Murage who would later become my boss. I met him at
Serena Hotel, Nairobi. He requested me to join government but I could
not agree because it never crossed my mind I would ever work for the
government. So I told him I was happy at USAID. He later called me but
this time to State House where I met him and after a long discussion, I
agreed to take a position in government
Nancy Gitau schooled in
Mukumu Girls in Kakamega County. She is a holder of Bachelor's Degree in
Political Science and Masters, University of Nairobi. Gitau worked for
USAID for at least 17 years. This
piece was first published on 20th October 2013 by the STANDARD
NEWSPAPER, read online Std for more insights of Kenya politics, news
and analysis. DRAMA: WHY Uhuru STATEHOUSE TOP ADVISOR Nancy Gitau was FORCED to RESIGN
July 22, 2016
By Mwaniki Munuhe for STD Nancy
Gitau, the head of President Uhuru Kenyatta’s political advisory unit. A top aide of President Uhuru Kenyatta has resigned,
exposing behind-the-scenes intrigues within the Jubilee government.
Nancy
Gitau, the head of President Kenyatta’s political advisory unit and a
key adviser on governance, tendered her resignation to the Head of State
on Monday. The Standard has established that in her resignation letter
delivered to the President’s desk last Monday, she plans to quit next
month. Mrs Gitau confirmed her resignation Thursday when contacted by
The Standard. “I will quit the Government beginning August this year. I
wrote to his Excellency the President earlier in the week about this
matter. I am leaving the Government a happy woman. I have accomplished a
lot since February 2007,” she said.
Gitau is among a team of
eight listed in the Presidency’s website as members of the Executive
Office of the Presidency. She is named as Senior Political Adviser to
the President. Others in the team are Joseph Kinyua, the President’s
Chief of Staff, Jomo Gecaga (President’s Private Secretary), Lawrence
Lenayapa (State House Comptroller), George Kariuki (Deputy State House
Comptroller), Manoah Esipisu (State House Spokesman), Abdikadir Mohamed
(Senior Adviser, Constitutional and Legal Affairs) and Nzioka Waita,
Secretary of Delivery, the Presidential Delivery Unit.
The
resignation is a culmination of a sustained tug-of-war within the
Jubilee administration and could well be the beginning of an episode
that could give the public a rare peek into the behind-the-scenes power
struggle.
Gitau has been at the centre of vicious infighting
pitting camps allied to the President’s The National Alliance (TNA)
party against the United Republican Party (URP) of his deputy William
Ruto. Because of her power and influence, Gitau has also earned herself
enemies within TNA, leaving her exposed. There are incidents where even
senior officers at State House on several occasions tried to block her
from accessing the President at his State House office.
Similarly,
the relations between her and forces around the DP had at one point
deteriorated to the extent that some key players within Government felt
the stability of the coalition was under threat. Relations edgy As a
result of the rising tensions, Gitau was moved from State House to
Harambee House in the City Centre. She soon thereafter resorted to
working from her private office as it increasingly became clear she was
unwanted and even some of her close allies dumped her.
Sources
told The Standard that relations between Gitau and certain players in
Government had become so edgy that she felt her stay, even with the
support of the President, was no longer tenable. As a consequence, there
has emerged, subtly though, two main camps within the Jubilee
administration: the pro-Gitau camp and anti-Gitau one.
Gitau has
recently taken a back seat as crucial political decisions – like the
merger of Jubilee allied parties – were being made and executed largely
without her input. Sources say Gitau and some TNA MPs had been opposed
to the party’s dissolution. But speaking to The Standard, Gitau
downplayed suggestions that these intrigues were central to her decision
to quit Government. Instead, she attributed her exit to the desire to
follow her passion. “I am leaving Government to follow my passion.
My
strong desire is to work on public economic empowerment and poverty
alleviation. It is to work in the non-governmental sector as a
consultant,” she said. At the height of the anti-Gitau campaign,
URP-allied MPs had openly demanded her sacking in connection with the
case against Ruto at the International Criminal Court.
In The
Hague courtroom in June 2014, Ruto’s lawyer, Shyamala Alagendra, claimed
that Gitau and then Interior Permanent Secretary Mutea Iringo had
recruited ICC witnesses to fix the DP. It was alleged that the two
funded the witness protection programme, and co-ordinated recruitment of
witnesses to provide evidence to the Waki Commission to implicate Ruto
and Orange Democratic Movement (ODM). That arose during
cross-examination of ICC witness P-0613.
The allegations have,
however, never been proven but Iringo, who – like Gitau – was inherited
from President MWai Kibaki’s administration, has since been sacked.
Gatundu South MP Moses Kuria would later confess that he was part of the
network that put together a machinery to fix Ruto. The ICC case against
Ruto has since been terminated. Asked about her relationship with
President Kenyatta and Ruto, Gitau said: “His Excellency the President
and I have a very good relationship. He trusts me. We have a
professional relationship. I’ve worked closely with him since 2009. He
wants the best for all Kenyans. I enjoyed working with him and for him.
He treated me very well. But time has come for me to move on.” She
would, however, not make a comment about her relationship with the DP.
Besides
Iringo, other key figures inherited from President Kibaki’s Government
and who have since left the Jubilee Government are former spy chief
Michael Gichangi and former head of public service Francis Kimemia.
Gitau’s clout in Government had earned her friends and foes in equal
measure. At a press conference held at Parliament Buildings, ODM
Chairman John Mbadi had described her perceived influence. “Nancy was
behind-the-scenes manager of Uhuru’s presidential campaign in 2012-2013.
Being a politically-aligned servant beholden to Uhuru, she was
untouchable. At various times of her employment in Government, she has
been viewed as Uhuru’s political agent”. She leaves Government at a time
when President Kenyatta is preparing ground for what promises to be a
grueling re-election campaign.
Before joining Government, Gitau
worked at USaid for many years. At the time of leaving, she headed the
democracy and governance unit. Those who worked with her say she helped
identify and nurtured all the current crop of civil society leaders who
joined the Narc Government of 2002. SHe was recruited into the
Government by former head of strategy at Kibaki’s office, Stanley
Murage. What is the inside story on Nancy Gitau and her role in the Uhuru Kenyatta Presidency. Discover the stunning and very shocking details in Kumekucha's latest sensitive club1999 video. Join NOW. Here's how to join and get your hands on this info in the next few minutes;
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